Home » Property Tax Repeal & Replacement: Tax Revenue Impacts

Property Tax Repeal & Replacement: Tax Revenue Impacts

by admin

Key Findings

  • Property taxes presently generate 70 p.c of all native taxA tax is a compulsory cost or cost collected by native, state, and nationwide governments from people or companies to cowl the prices of basic authorities companies, items, and actions. income, some or all of which must get replaced with different taxes below property taxA property tax is primarily levied on immovable property like land and buildings, in addition to on tangible private property that’s movable, like automobiles and gear. Property taxes are the one largest supply of state and native income within the U.S. and assist fund faculties, roads, police, and different companies. repeal.
  • Changing the property tax with newly granted native taxing authority is exceedingly troublesome, as a result of native gross sales and earnings tax bases range broadly throughout jurisdictions; there could, for example, be no possible gross sales taxA gross sales tax is levied on retail gross sales of products and companies and, ideally, ought to apply to all remaining consumption with few exemptions. Many governments exempt items like groceries; base broadening, akin to together with groceries, may hold charges decrease. A gross sales tax ought to exempt business-to-business transactions which, when taxed, trigger tax pyramiding.  charge by which an agricultural county or bed room neighborhood may change its property tax income.
  • Backfilling forgone native property tax income by means of new state taxes is troublesome as a result of it dramatically shifts total tax burdens, undermines native accountability, and can’t simply alter for altering inhabitants mixes.
  • All income alternate options are much less conducive to financial progress than the prevailing property tax regime, however some switch regimes are sharply degrowth.
  • Taxpayers ought to have the chance to judge plans for changing property tax income, not simply guarantees of repeal with out trade-offs.

Introduction

The property tax won’t ever win any recognition contests. Economists maintain it in excessive regard, however, maybe relatedly, economists will not be terribly well-liked both. It’s one factor, nonetheless, to favor property tax repeal within the summary: many People are clearly for that. However with which taxes ought to or not it’s changed, and the way will the general bundle of property tax substitute be acquired?

Some proponents of property tax elimination want to postpone this dialog, advancing poll measures that repeal property taxes and cost the legislature with figuring out minor particulars like easy methods to change the lion’s share of native tax income. The one accountable approach to take into account property tax abolition, nonetheless, is to grapple with the alternate options.

There are various good arguments for reforming fairly than changing property taxes, arguments we’ve got superior elsewhere.[1] This evaluation, nonetheless, largely units these points apart and easily asks: if not the property tax, then what?

Changing the most important supply of native tax income isn’t any simple job. It’s rendered nonetheless tougher by the need of changing present revenues—or some substantial share of them—in every taxing jurisdiction, since different income streams have totally different geographic distributions. Even when a high-rate native gross sales tax have been capable of offset property taxes in a neighborhood dominated by retail institutions, for example, it might be woefully insufficient to the duty of changing income in a bed room neighborhood or in farm nation.

New statewide taxes create their very own distributional challenges. As soon as the property tax and its apparatuses (together with assessments) vanish, how ought to revenues be allotted to cities, counties, and different native jurisdictions in future years? Ought to a substitute funding mechanism be based mostly on every jurisdiction’s prior yr collections, in essence subsidizing higher-tax jurisdictions with state funds in perpetuity? Or ought to funding be equalized by inhabitants or a system estimating a jurisdiction’s wants, yielding vastly totally different distributions than exist at current?

Moreover, as communities evolve each in inhabitants and financial standing, how would state funding alter? Stripped of the property tax as an anchor, may lawmakers design a neighborhood funding system with out an inadvertent incentive construction that stifles progress and rewards fiscal mismanagement and financial stagnation?

This paper examines a variety of choices, with pattern calculations and discussions of trade-offs. The unavoidable conclusion: each doable substitute choice has a bunch of issues that will render it undesirable to most taxpayers. Removing the property tax could also be well-liked. Changing it gained’t be.

Evaluating Income Alternate options

The property tax generates 70 p.c of all native tax income. It accounts for greater than 80 p.c of native tax income in 18 states (with a 95 p.c share or increased in seven), and provides lower than 50 p.c in solely 5 states and the District of Columbia. The truth is, native governments throughout the nation usher in twice as a lot in property tax income as state governments do in earnings taxes, although these numbers are skewed by the choice of 9 states to forgo wage earnings taxes. Even limiting the evaluation to the 41 states (and the District of Columbia) with broad-based earnings taxes, nonetheless, native property taxes increase 59 p.c greater than state earnings taxes do.[2]

Not all of this falls on owners, after all. An estimated 42 p.c of native property tax is imposed on companies—on their land and buildings, but additionally, continuously, on their equipment and gear.[3] Public utilities additionally pay property taxes, which may be important, and the rest falls on residential property—each single- and multi-family items, starting from indifferent single-family houses to high-rise house buildings. Residence dwellers don’t remit property taxes instantly, however they bear a lot of the financial incidence of the tax within the type of increased lease funds, usually with out the advantages (like homestead exemptions and decrease evaluation ratios) accessible to owners.[4]

We assume, for functions of this publication, that lawmakers will search to exchange all present property tax income. After all, some could want to not offset all present income, allowing some stage of total tax discount. Stopping in need of full substitute would cut back the required charges of different taxes, however this may not have an effect on this paper’s broader evaluation of the challenges confronting those that want to change the property tax with one thing else. We start with proposals to offset the property tax by means of further native taxing authority earlier than exploring the extra probably approaches involving state-level assumption of forgone property tax income.

Native-Stage Property Tax Substitute Choices

Thirty-eight states authorize native choice gross sales taxes. Some solely grant this authority to sure jurisdictions, although most present broad city- or county-level authority. Sometimes, native gross sales taxes are administered by the state and are imposed on the statewide gross sales tax baseThe tax base is the entire quantity of earnings, property, property, consumption, transactions, or different financial exercise topic to taxation by a tax authority. A slim tax base is non-neutral and inefficient. A broad tax base reduces tax administration prices and permits extra income to be raised at decrease charges., however native governments continuously have their very own rate-setting authority, and the state merely administers the tax and remits native collections to the suitable jurisdiction.[5]

At the least theoretically, states may increase or remove any present caps on native gross sales taxes, or authorize such taxes for the primary time, as an alternative choice to native property taxes. In apply, nonetheless, that is nearly definitely a non-starter.

Native choice gross sales taxes can alleviate strain on property taxes. They’re a big supply of native tax income in some states, notably in a number of lower-income southern states the place it’s troublesome to boost enough income per capita from a single tax with out exorbitantly excessive charges.

In Arkansas, for example, median family earnings is 76 p.c of the nationwide determine, family consumption is 80 p.c of the nationwide common, and median housing worth is 60 p.c of the US median.[6] Notably as soon as homestead exemptions, gross sales tax exemptions for frequent family expenditures, and earnings tax deductions are taken into consideration, it may be laborious to boost important sums from any given tax, on the state or native stage. Arkansas, subsequently, has excessive native gross sales tax charges along with its property taxes. Different states with higher-income populations may additionally lean on native gross sales taxes to scale back reliance on property taxes. It will be nearly not possible, nonetheless, for native gross sales taxes to change property taxes.

That is partly as a result of property taxes are such a big and constant income generator. However it’s also as a result of native governments have been constructed round present funding mechanisms, and any local-level substitute would yield huge geographic disparities or require wildly totally different charges.

Take Florida, for example. At present, the mixed state-local common gross sales tax charge is 7.02 p.c, consisting of a 6 p.c gross sales tax mixed with native charges starting from 0.0 to 1.5 p.c, with a weighted common of 1.02 p.c.[7] We estimate that the statewide common gross sales tax charge must rise from 7.02 to fifteen.34 p.c to exchange the property tax, even with out accounting for any discount in taxable gross sales as a result of excessive charge. But when counties, municipalities, college districts, and different native taxing authorities have been every accountable for changing the income with their very own native taxes, precise charges would range broadly.[8]

Tiny Jefferson County, with a inhabitants of lower than 15,000, is positioned on the I-10 hall east of Tallahassee. It options truck stops and journey facilities, producing gross sales tax income vastly disproportionate to the inhabitants. For each share level on the gross sales tax, Jefferson raises $378 per capita, in comparison with a statewide common of $283. As a rural county with low inhabitants density, furthermore, property values are low. Jefferson County may change its present property tax collections with a mixed state and native gross sales tax charge of solely 9.8 p.c.

On the different finish of the spectrum, equally small Glades County is essentially agricultural and residential, and its retail focus is essentially on tribal lands, which the county can’t tax. In Glades, the gross sales tax substitute charge is an astronomical 32.5 p.c. For each share level on the gross sales tax, Glades County solely generates $61 per capita.

These are, after all, outliers, and each have extraordinarily modest populations. However they illustrate a broader problem: an answer which may work for Orange County (11.3 p.c) or Duval County (13.8 p.c) could not do for Broward or Miami-Dade (17.0 and 17.3 p.c, respectively), to say nothing of Palm Seaside (19.0 p.c) or Nassau (19.9 p.c).

With Orlando as its county seat, Orange County would require one of many decrease charges within the state, because it generates a lot gross sales tax income from guests and has such massive, tourism-driven leisure, amusement, and restaurant sectors. The ensuing 11.3 p.c offsetting charge is subsequently the bottom for a big county—and nonetheless, Orlando would instantly have a better gross sales tax charge than any main metropolis within the nation has now. At present, solely six main cities (outlined as these with a inhabitants of 200,000 or extra) have gross sales tax charges above 10 p.c, led by Seattle, Washington, at 10.35 p.c.

The upshot: even localities with important retail focus or tourism exercise would require gross sales tax charges increased than any presently imposed within the US, whereas bed room communities and different predominantly residential or agricultural areas lack the gross sales tax base to recoup forgone property tax income at any possible gross sales tax charge.

Essentially, such charge differentials would induce cross-border procuring, which might solely sharpen the disparities. Glades County residents may save 19 share factors on the gross sales tax by crossing the border to buy in neighboring Highland County. Tallahassee residents may save 4.4 p.c in neighboring Jefferson, and Miami-Dade residents may save 3.4 p.c procuring in adjoining Monroe County. Additional lowering gross sales within the high-rate counties places nonetheless extra upward strain on the substitute income stream.

 

Native choice gross sales taxes are much more frequent than county or municipal earnings taxes, however native earnings taxation presents related distributional challenges. Ohio, which already authorizes municipal and college district earnings taxes, gives living proof.

In 2026, Ohio’s state earnings tax will decline to a flat 2.75 p.c, whereas mixed municipal and college district taxes add an estimated additional 1.49 p.c statewide, although with important variation throughout the state. If additional earnings taxes have been licensed on the county stage to offset the lack of property tax income in every county, these further charges would common 8.35 p.c. That will deliver the statewide common, together with present state and municipal earnings taxes, to a 12.59 p.c flat taxAn earnings tax is known as a “flat tax” when all taxable earnings is topic to the identical tax charge, no matter earnings stage or property., nearly on par with California’s high marginal charge on earnings over $1 million.[9] At present, the nation’s highest state-level single charge particular person earnings taxA person earnings tax (or private earnings tax) is levied on the wages, salaries, investments, or different types of earnings a person or family earns. The U.S. imposes a progressive earnings tax the place charges enhance with earnings. The Federal Earnings Tax was established in 1913 with the ratification of the sixteenth Modification. Although barely 100 years outdated, particular person earnings taxes are the most important supply is 4.95 p.c in Illinois, and the best mixed state-local charge is 6.65 p.c in Detroit, Michigan.

Right here too, nonetheless, statewide averages disguise dramatic variation. 5 counties would require further charges under 6 p.c, the most important of which is Miami County exterior of Dayton. Twenty would require double-digit further earnings tax charges, led by Monroe County, a small, low-income county bordering West Virginia. Monroe County’s substitute charge is 24.0 p.c. Whereas no municipality or college district in Monroe County levies its personal earnings tax at current, a brand new 26.75 p.c charge in Monroe County would definitely be a boon for its three West Virginia border counties throughout the Ohio River, the place the highest earnings tax charge is 4.82 p.c.

Cuyahoga County, which comprises Cleveland, would require a 9.93 p.c substitute earnings tax charge. Throughout the metropolis of Cleveland itself, there’s a further 2.5 p.c municipal earnings tax, yielding an all-in charge of 15.18 p.c for Cleveland (14.87 p.c averaged throughout the county). Cincinnati, in Hamilton County, would require a 6.68 p.c further earnings tax to exchange its property taxes, atop a 1.8 p.c present metropolis charge, for an all-in charge of 11.23 p.c (and 10.63 p.c for the county as an entire). Cincinnati borders Kentucky, which can boast a state earnings tax charge of three.5 p.c in 2026, plus 1.45 p.c in mixed native earnings taxes in adjoining Boone County. Toledo residents, in the meantime, would possibly rue the choice that gave the Toledo Strip to Ohio fairly than Michigan.

 

Native governments’ financial bases merely range too broadly to swap one tax system for one more and count on related revenues. If one had to decide on a neighborhood tax base for a completely new state, property can be a prudent alternative, as relative property values are a fairly good proxy for the advantage of companies that every property proprietor receives. The property tax additionally strikes a wholesome center floor between the geographic distributions of earnings taxes, that are largely based mostly on place of residence (and generally place of employment), and gross sales taxes, which carry out higher in areas with retail focus. However this isn’t to say that the distribution of income below property taxes is the one conceivable alternative, simply that it is the selection round which cities and counties have been structured, and that no different tax accessible to native governments may change that income in every jurisdiction with out impossibly massive charge variations.

That actuality is why most proposals for property tax elimination contain the state selecting up most or all the substitute value, to the extent that these plans counsel any particular supply of substitute income in any respect.

State-Stage Property Tax Substitute Choices

If the state assumes duty for changing native income, that solves the preliminary geographic disparities however creates new ones. Lawmakers should resolve whether or not to exchange revenues at present ranges—embedding financial inequalities and completely rewarding jurisdictions that beforehand imposed increased charges—or to make use of another system for income distribution, thereby inducing the dramatic income swings of the type related to local-level replacements. Even when the state undertakes full income substitute, furthermore, lawmakers should determine easy methods to alter in future years, since there is not going to be new assessments on which to base the transfers.

Allow us to first take into account the political problem of income backfill, which makes each jurisdiction complete, however below which the income to take action is generated from a statewide tax with a really totally different distribution of burdens.

Michigan presently imposes a flat 4.25 p.c particular person earnings tax. To exchange the property tax, the earnings tax must be imposed at a charge of 11.93 p.c.[10] (Detroit, the one jurisdiction in Michigan with native earnings tax authority, would have a brand new all-in particular person earnings tax charge of 14.33 p.c.)

Think about that Michigan imposed an 11.93 p.c earnings tax. Taxpayers in each jurisdiction would pay considerably extra in earnings tax, however their property tax burdens can be eradicated. Statewide, the 2 offset. However that will not be true on the particular person or jurisdictional ranges. Suppose that Michigan sought to make counties complete, utilizing the brand new state-level income to backfill no matter had been raised by means of property taxes in every county beforehand.

In Lake County, which, regardless of its identify, shouldn’t be on a Nice Lake and is only one.2 p.c water, earnings taxpayers contribute lower than $4.5 million to the state below the present system (on the 4.25 p.c charge), however property taxes usher in $29.5 million. There, residents would pay a further $8.1 million in state earnings taxes whereas being relieved of their $29.5 million property tax burden—a internet tax discount of 73 p.c. In Ionia County, the place many prosperous Grand Rapids commuters reside, the alternative is true: residents would pay a further $96.8 million in earnings tax to keep away from $72.5 million in property tax payments, a 34 p.c tax enhance. Wayne County, dwelling of Detroit, would see a 6 p.c discount in total tax burdens, whereas Oakland County, the location of Detroit’s northern suburbs, would take up a 25 p.c tax enhance. Ingham County, the place Lansing is positioned, would get a 14 p.c internet tax discount. Then again, Kent County, dwelling of Grand Rapids, would expertise a 19 p.c tax hike.

 

Any substitute of present property tax income locks the impact of present charges (mill levies) in place, successfully subsidizing counties and municipalities with excessive present property tax charges. At present, at the least, these taxes are paid by residents who additionally profit from the companies supplied by these excessive charges. If states have been to backfill property tax income, localities that beforehand taxed at excessive charges would nonetheless get the advantage of them although residents would now not be paying them, whereas jurisdictions with decrease property taxes would, in impact, subsidize the higher-tax jurisdictions. In apply, this may largely be a rural to city switch, with main cities—which usually impose increased property tax charges—receiving extra income than rural counties, although the state’s substitute tax income (from no matter supply) would apply statewide.

Not solely would residents of some jurisdictions subsidize the higher spending of different localities, however they’d additionally lose their enter on the dimensions of native authorities. Localities would have much less cause to economize, as a result of doing so wouldn’t permit them to return any cash to native taxpayers. Jurisdictions the place taxpayers would favor further companies would likewise be hamstrung: they may not enhance their income even when there was overwhelming help for doing so.

Utilizing Nebraska for instance, observe that top charges in Omaha, Lincoln, Grand Island, and Scottsbluff yield excessive subsidies to their counties, whereas many of the state’s remaining counties emerge as losers. Within the excessive, the county of Keya Paha would see its tax burden enhance by 120 p.c if it have been pressured to contribute an equalized share, whereas Douglas County (Omaha) would see a 23 p.c tax discount.[11]

This final calculation is, after all, largely a thought experiment, as no matter substitute income stream is chosen (probably earnings or gross sales taxes) will add additional layers of distortion not taken into consideration right here. However it might be useful to see the impact of those transfers damaged out, to see how states is perhaps obligated to switch revenues to jurisdictions in perpetuity based mostly on charges they set earlier than repeal. Omaha residents presently pay extra in trade for higher (or at the least extra pricey) authorities companies. Why ought to rural Nebraskans’ taxes enhance to subsidize Omaha’s increased spending?

 

Current collections per family present additional perception into the challenges going through lawmakers hoping to centralize tax collections on the state stage and backfill present native tax collections. In North Dakota, the best variation in property tax collections arises from oil and fuel exercise, whereas in different states, disparities would possibly replicate city versus rural areas, or the variations throughout enterprise districts, bed room communities, and farm nation. However nonetheless the variations come up, they are often substantial. Can residents of a North Dakota county the place property tax income runs $1,165 per family be anticipated to pay further state-level earnings or gross sales taxes at a charge that provides one other county a switch price $10,565 per family?[12]

 

Even when these challenges are surmounted and taxpayers settle for the brand new redistributions, policymakers should set a mechanism for adjusting transfers year-over-year. Some proposals notably lack any provision for such changes, suggesting that each jurisdiction ought to obtain the identical quantity—maybe inflationInflation is when the final value of products and companies will increase throughout the economic system, lowering the buying energy of a forex and the worth of sure property. The identical paycheck covers much less items, companies, and payments. It is usually known as a “hidden tax,” because it leaves taxpayers much less well-off because of increased prices and “bracket creep,” whereas rising the federal government’s spendin-adjusted, maybe not—in perpetuity, however this creates a perverse incentive for financial decay.

Rising communities would obtain fewer {dollars} per capita, whereas shrinking communities would see their per capita switch revenues enhance. The “sensible” coverage, subsequently, is degrowth. Residents would have robust incentives to discourage new improvement and to drive out new or increasing companies. As a substitute of financial vitality serving as a supply of further income, progress would stretch a locality’s funds skinny. All replacements for the property tax are much less pro-growth than the prevailing system, however the distribution mechanism could make the general system profoundly degrowth.

Conversely, dying communities would discover themselves flush with money on a per capita foundation, although they’d be disincentivized from spending it in ways in which would revitalize the neighborhood and appeal to new residents. Native leaders can be incentivized to establish spending that lavishes advantages on present residents with out constructing out facilities or companies which may entice new ones. That is hardly a recipe for fulfillment, on the native stage or statewide.

In some states, populations are presently rising fairly quickly, although inconsistently. In Montana, for example, counties within the japanese a part of the state are dropping inhabitants, whereas the western half of the state is booming. What would occur if Bozeman acquired the identical quantity of income now (maybe inflation-adjusted) because it did for a a lot smaller inhabitants a decade in the past?

 

A per capita or per family adjustment may handle this concern, however fairly imperfectly. New developments, for example, is perhaps dearer and have higher-value houses or companies. Moreover, blockbuster progress would possibly require funding in new infrastructure and expanded companies that require greater than only a per capita adjustment. A set state system can’t account for these wants and is unresponsive to native preferences. A rising and extra prosperous inhabitants would possibly need higher facilities and be keen to pay for them, however it can’t accomplish that if native funding is overwhelmingly concentrated on the state stage. One other neighborhood would possibly want extra restricted authorities and the decrease taxes that associate with it, however that alternative is taken away from residents, too, for the reason that jurisdiction’s funding is about by state lawmakers, utilizing statewide tax income.

Even with inhabitants changes, native governments can be incentivized to withstand any new financial exercise that will increase authorities prices, irrespective of how important the broader financial advantages. Native financial progress makes no distinction for the property tax’s state-level income substitute, whereas any prices are borne out of that mounted sum.

Lawmakers may as a substitute use another help system (as states already do for college equalization), although a system that makes an attempt to supply the identical quantity of funding per family statewide will likely be grossly inadequate to fulfill the wants of some communities the place service supply prices are increased, and a system that tries to handle native value disparities will contain a large-scale, perpetual switch from reasonably priced communities to extra pricey ones.

In all circumstances, there’s an erosion of native autonomy. At present, high-tax jurisdictions should justify these increased taxes, however below a system of full state backfill, they’d obtain the identical quantity no matter what companies they ship or how properly they ship them.

Conclusion

Given the pitfalls of every doable strategy to property tax substitute, it’s unsurprising that many advocates of repeal need to defer deliberations on a substitute till after the property tax’s abolition is permitted. However that’s no excuse. Each coverage alternative includes trade-offs, and for a coverage change as radical as property tax elimination, it’s irresponsible to contemplate repeal individually from proposals to exchange the forgone income.

Proponents of property tax repeal must be having frank conversations about which taxes would change it, what charges can be vital, and who would pay extra. They need to have a plan for the way the substitute revenues can be allotted, and the way changes can be made in future years. And they need to grapple with the inducement construction created by a system by which native governments could now not management their very own revenues, and the place expenditures could also be impartial of the tax prices of these selections, which could possibly be socialized throughout all taxpayers, no matter the place they reside.

Repealing the property tax is an aspiration, not a plan. If proponents of property tax elimination have plans for easy methods to change it, voters ought to have a chance to judge these plans prematurely. And in the event that they don’t have a plan, voters ought to know that too.

Keep knowledgeable on the tax insurance policies impacting you.

Subscribe to get insights from our trusted consultants delivered straight to your inbox.

Subscribe

[1] See Jared Walczak, “Confronting the New Property Tax Revolt,” Tax Basis, Nov. 5, 2024, https://taxfoundation.org/analysis/all/state/property-tax-relief-reform-options/, notably the sections on levy (income) limits and deferral applications.

[2] US Census Bureau, “Annual Survey of State and Native Authorities Funds,” 2023 knowledge (July 2025), https://www.census.gov/data/datasets/2023/econ/local/public-use-datasets.html.

[3] Tax Basis estimate based mostly on EY/COST enterprise figures. See Council on State Taxation, “Whole State and Native Enterprise Taxes,” December 2024, https://www.cost.org/globalassets/cost/state-tax-resources-pdf-pages/cost-studies-articles-reports/score_ey-50-state-tax-burden-study_final_121824.pdf.

[4] On the incidence of property taxes on renters, see, e.g., Robert J. Carroll and John Yinger, “Is the Property Tax a Profit Tax? The Case of Rental Housing,” Nationwide Tax Journal 47 (June 1994): 295-316; and Leah J. Tsoodle and Tracy M. Turner, “Property Taxes and Residential Rents,” Journal of Actual Property Economics 36:1 (2008): 63-80.

[5] For a dialogue of variations in gross sales tax administration, see Jared Walczak and Janelle Fritts, “State Gross sales Taxes within the Put up-Wayfair Period,” Tax Basis, Dec. 12, 2019, https://taxfoundation.org/analysis/all/state/state-remote-sales-tax-collection-wayfair/.

[6] Tax Basis calculations based mostly on US Census Bureau and IRS knowledge. See US Census Bureau, “Annual Survey of State and Native Authorities Funds”; and Inner Income Service, “Statistics of Earnings” by state.

[7] Jared Walczak, “State and Native Gross sales Tax Charges, Midyear 2025,” Tax Basis, Jul. 8, 2025, https://taxfoundation.org/knowledge/all/state/sales-tax-rates/.

[8] Tax Basis calculations utilizing income from the Florida Division of Income, utilizing grossed-up 2024 knowledge. For present native surtaxA surtax is a further tax levied on high of an already present enterprise or particular person tax and may have a flat or progressive charge construction. Surtaxes are usually enacted to fund a selected program or initiative, whereas income from broader-based taxes, like the person earnings tax, usually cowl a mess of applications and companies. charges, see Florida Division of Income, “Discretionary Gross sales Surtax Data for Calendar 12 months 2024,” https://floridarevenue.com/Forms_library/current/dr15dss_24.pdf. For property tax knowledge, see Id., “Florida Advert valorem Valuation and Tax Information Guide,” https://floridarevenue.com/property/Pages/DataPortal_DataBook.aspx. Further knowledge on basic tax collections are from the Workplace of Tax Analysis Collections and Distributions, https://floridarevenue.com/dataPortal/Pages/TaxResearch.aspx.

[9] Tax Basis calculations utilizing knowledge from the Ohio Division of Taxation and the US Census Bureau, with college districts mapped utilizing Nationwide Heart for Training Statistics knowledge. A business massive language mannequin (LLM) was used to course of college district form recordsdata. See Ohio Division of Taxation, Tax Information Sequence, https://tax.ohio.gov/researcher/tax-data-series; and Id., “The Finder” (for municipal and college district earnings tax charge databases), https://tax.ohio.gov/help-center/the-finder/the-finder.

[10] Tax Basis calculations utilizing knowledge from the Michigan Division of Treasury with changes for base years. See Michigan Division of Treasury, “Michigan’s Particular person Earnings Tax 2020,” December 2022, https://www.michigan.gov/mdhhs/-/media/Project/Websites/treasury/Uncategorized/2022/ORTA-Tax-Reports/IIT-report_TY2020-data_UPDATED_Final.pdf; and Id., “2023 Advert Valorem Property Tax Report,” https://www.michigan.gov/taxes/-/media/Project/Websites/taxes/Tax-Levy-Reports/2023-Ad-Valorem-Tax-Levy-Report.pdf.

[11] Tax Basis calculations; Nebraska Division of Income, “2022 Certificates of Taxes Levied Reviews,” 2023, https://revenue.nebraska.gov/sites/default/files/doc/pad/research/valuation/2023/avgrate2022.pdf.

[12] Tax Basis calculations based mostly on North Dakota Workplace of the State Tax Commissioner and US Census knowledge. See North Dakota Workplace of the State Tax Commissioner, “Taxable Valuation of Property Topic to the Common Property Tax – 2024,” https://www.tax.nd.gov/sites/www/files/documents/property-tax/2024-Property-Tax-Statistical-Report.pdf.

Share this text






Source link

Related Articles

Leave a Comment